The Six-Justice Conservative Supermajority Is Manipulating Legal Doctrine to Benefit Trump

Source: Dahlia Lithwick. "The Roberts court has once again taken a conservative turn toward Trump.." September 11, 2026. slate.com

The Gist

Dahlia Lithwick and Erwin Chemerinsky argue that the Supreme Court, now with six conservative justices, is bending legal rules about who can sue and what counts as an emergency in order to hand Trump wins while also permanently weakening these legal tools for everyone else in the future. They say this is different from before because there's no swing vote anymore to check this behavior, unlike in past conservative courts with justices like O'Connor or Kennedy.

Conclusion

The current Roberts court, now with a six-justice conservative supermajority, is systematically distorting legal doctrines (standing, emergency claims, nationwide injunctions) to produce outcomes favorable to Trump, marking a qualitative shift from prior conservative courts that still maintained meaningful constraints on executive power.

Premises

  1. The Court has repeatedly ruled in ways that ignore factual findings and lower court determinations, such as reversing a three-judge panel's finding of intentional race discrimination in Alabama redistricting despite Alabama's documented history.
  2. The Court manipulated standing doctrine in the White House ballroom case, dismissing a longstanding aesthetic-injury standard (established since Sierra Club v. Morton in 1972) as mere 'distaste,' effectively nullifying decades of environmental standing precedent.
  3. The Court's rulings often come through procedural mechanisms (standing, ripeness, nationwide injunctions) rather than merits decisions, which obscures the practical effect of siding with Trump while also permanently weakening tools future plaintiffs could use.
  4. By eliminating nationwide injunctions, the Court has made it functionally much harder to challenge unconstitutional executive actions, since litigants would need to sue in all 96 federal districts individually.
  5. The current six-justice conservative majority differs structurally from earlier conservative courts (e.g., the Rehnquist court) which had swing justices like O'Connor and Kennedy who provided moderating checks, as evidenced by outcomes like Grutter v. Bollinger.
  6. This Roberts court behaves differently than the Roberts court during Trump's first term, which did impose real constraints (e.g., the census case), suggesting an ideological rather than purely doctrinal shift.
  7. The doctrinal tools being reshaped (standing, harm, emergency) are not meant to be malleable or 'feelingsball'—they have long-established legal pedigrees that are being deliberately torqued for outcome-driven purposes.

Assumptions

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